Independently commissioned by IAI, the three studies comprising this book examine inter-Arab industrial and economic cooperation. The first chapter analyses the industrial strategies, economic policies and attempts at harmonisation and cooperation of the Arab countries, providing a detailed picture of the convergences and divergences, the potential and the difficulties faced by the region. The second chapter examines the importance of coordinating economic polices if economic integration is to be sustained, and considers the implications to the world economy. Lastly, the third chapter examines Arab labour flows, a key factor in the development of the Arab countries. First published in 1979.

Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and international competition. This transformation, along with changing circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy. Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank. Egypt's Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs, in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth. However, the book suggests that because the present regime is fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.

Independently commissioned by IAI, the three studies comprising this book examine inter-Arab industrial and economic cooperation. The first chapter analyses the industrial strategies, economic policies and attempts at harmonisation and cooperation of the Arab countries, providing a detailed picture of the convergences and divergences, the potential and the difficulties faced by the region. The second chapter examines the importance of coordinating economic polices if economic integration is to be sustained, and considers the implications to the world economy. Lastly, the third chapter examines Arab labour flows, a key factor in the development of the Arab countries.

Over the last ten years the Egyptian economy has undergone a major transformation which has led to greater decentralisation and international competition. This transformation, along with changing circumstances in the surrounding Arab areas and the end of hostilities with Israel, has given a boost to the Egyptian economy. Without underestimating the obstacles that still stand in the way of sustained economic growth and development, this book foresees a more optimistic outlook for Egypt than do other such studies carried out by international organisations such as the World Bank. Egypt's Economic Potential argues that the main problem facing the Egyptian economy is that the government must resort to expensive public expenditure policies, in particular subsidising foodstuffs, in order to maintain the political consensus. This creates a savings gap which prevents the authorities from channelling savings towards financing the projects which will cerate economic growth. However, the book suggests that because the present regime is fundamentally stable and even further change at the top would be unlikely to alter the institutional framework of the country, the Egyptian economy has the potential for stable and rapid growth.

Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an imbalance in wealth and power.

Contributions to this book question the concept of the clash of cultures. The challenge to the West does not lie in the monolith of Islam turning aggressively outward to Europe and the US, but in the rivalries between regimes ruling over societies divided by an imbalance in wealth and power.

Since the late 1970s the Red Sea has become extremely important both in international politics and regional affairs. This situation came about because of the growing Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa and Saudi efforts to have the Red Sea treated as an 'Arab Lake'. This book, first published in 1985, examines the development of the Red Sea as a significant problem in superpower relations and assesses its relative importance in the context of other conflicts in the Gulf and elsewhere in the Third World. It analyses Soviet interests in the Red Sea area and examines its record in seeking to intervene in the domestic politics of the region. The book also discusses the degree of regional stability in the Red Sea both in terms of inter-Arab relations and Afro-Arab regulations. This issue is considered against the background of the security of the Nile valley. In conclusion the book argues that Saudi Arabia's regional policies aimed at enhancing internal and external security have proved destabilizing and in a way even adventurous. By fermenting Somali nationalism Saudi Arabia hoped to push the Soviets out of the Red Sea. In fact this policy reinforced the Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa. Similarly, Saudi Arabia's regular interference in the domestic affairs of North Yemen may well prove extremely counter-productive. The book argues that the West's preoccupation with the region would lessen considerably if Saudi Arabia and Egypt would promote policies of cooperation, rather than destabilization at both inter-Arab and Afro-Arab levels.

Since the late 1970s the Red Sea has become extremely important both in international politics and regional affairs. This situation came about because of the growing Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa and Saudi efforts to have the Red Sea treated as an 'Arab Lake'. This book, first published in 1985, examines the development of the Red Sea as a significant problem in superpower relations and assesses its relative importance in the context of other conflicts in the Gulf and elsewhere in the Third World. It analyses Soviet interests in the Red Sea area and examines its record in seeking to intervene in the domestic politics of the region. The book also discusses the degree of regional stability in the Red Sea both in terms of inter-Arab relations and Afro-Arab regulations. This issue is considered against the background of the security of the Nile valley. In conclusion the book argues that Saudi Arabia's regional policies aimed at enhancing internal and external security have proved destabilizing and in a way even adventurous. By fermenting Somali nationalism Saudi Arabia hoped to push the Soviets out of the Red Sea. In fact this policy reinforced the Soviet presence in the Horn of Africa. Similarly, Saudi Arabia's regular interference in the domestic affairs of North Yemen may well prove extremely counter-productive. The book argues that the West's preoccupation with the region would lessen considerably if Saudi Arabia and Egypt would promote policies of cooperation, rather than destabilization at both inter-Arab and Afro-Arab levels.